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Bottom Line

Story 1 o​f 11-part Series on ​Race in America – Pa​st and Present​


Douglas A. Blackmon is the author of the Pulitzer Prize-winning “Slavery by Another Name: The Re-enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II.” He teaches at the University of Virginia’s Miller Center and is a contributing editor at the Washington Post. This article, the first of an 11-part series on race, is sponsored by the W. K. Kellogg Foundation and was originally published by the Washington Monthly Magazine

In the first years after the Civil War, even as former slaves optimistically swarmed into new schools and lined up at courthouses at every whisper of a hope of economic independence, the Southern states began enacting an array of interlocking laws that would make all African-Americans criminals, regardless of their conduct, and thereby making it legal to force them into chain gangs, labor camps, and other forms of involuntarily servitude. By the end of 1865, every Southern state except Arkansas and Tennessee had passed laws outlawing vagrancy and defining it so vaguely that virtually any freed slave not under the protection of a White man could be arrested for the crime. An 1865 Mississippi statute required Black workers to enter into labor contracts with White farmers by January 1 of every year or risk arrest. Four other states legislated that African Americans could not legally be hired for work without a discharge paper from their previous employer-effectively preventing them from leaving the plantation of the White man they worked for.

After the return of nearly complete White political control in 1877, the passage of those laws accelerated. Some, particularly those that explicitly said they applied only to African-Americans, were struck down in court appeals or through federal interventions, but new statutes embracing the same strictures on Black life quickly replaced them. Most of the new laws were written as if they applied to everyone, but in reality they were overwhelmingly enforced only against African- Americans.

In the 1880s, Alabama, North Carolina, and Florida passed laws making it a crime for a Black man to change employers without permission. It was a crime for a Black man to speak loudly in the company of a White woman, a crime to have a gun in his pocket, and a crime to sell the proceeds of his farm to anyone other than the man he rented land from. It was a crime to walk beside a railroad line, a crime to fail to yield a sidewalk to White people, a crime to sit among Whites on a train, and it was most certainly a crime to engage in sexual relations with-or, God forbid, to show true love and affection for-a White girl.

“Stand Your Ground” Law Invites “Fight To The Death”!

BY Wallace J. Allen, Publisher
    Florida’s “Stand Your Ground” law, the one that has been used to justify the shooting of Travon Martin, will probably be in the news again very soon.  The idea that a person only needs to “feel” that his/her life is threatened, (please read out loud for full effect) “feel that their life is threatened”, to justify killing the person representing that threat, almost  guarantees a soon-to-be-killing!
Any Black man that happens to get in the same elevator with a paranoid “Zimmerman” is a target because Zimmerman’s life has been threatened enough by people who are just “talkers” to have him legitimately able to say he “feels” threatened and thus, is justified in shooting you… And you don’t have to be Black now that he is really scared.   However, if you are a Black man, you might also “feel” threatened by the presence of Mr. Zimmerman, or someone who unfortunately looks like him, and decide to shoot before he shoots.
    The other situation that almost assures another Florida shooting is the road rage that simmers at every Miami intersection.  People angrily blowing their car horns, is the norm, and with the fresh Zimmerman verdict reminding people of their right to kill, I expect some of the drivers to leave home “ready for bear”.
    Anyone that thinks I am a little overboard has not driven in Miami and is probably not an “experienced” Black man.

How To Police A Bankrupt City…

Publisher’s Commentary by Wallace Allen
If I were in charge of a bankrupt city that was concerned about providing police servicing in a high crime situation, I would replace half my police force, on a 4 to 1 ratio with police academy interns (4 interns for each officer replaced). The unformed interns would more than make up for their lack of experience with numbers. The general public will notice the difference and their reaction to the police presence with prove it again… Just as drivers slow down when we see a police car. The officers that are kept on the force should be those who have the experience and attitude necessary to provide the professional example that would keep police academies lined up to have their candidates complete their training on the streets of my city. The interns will receive a financial stipend and be happy for the experience.

I know that there are a thousand objections to this thought, but if someone will list the objections, I am willing to seek the a means to dismiss them. If the city formed a police academy, most objections would become mute.

Please agree or disagree via this post.